Poverty
Part One
James R. Fisher, Jr., Ph.D.
© June 14, 2015
In proportion as nations get more
corrupt, more disgrace will attach to poverty, and more respect to wealth. These are two questions that would completely
reverse this order of things: “What keeps some people poor and what has made some others rich?” The true answer to these queries would often
make the poor man more proud of his poverty than the rich man is of his wealth,
and the rich man more justly ashamed of his wealth, than the poor man unjustly of his poverty.
Caleb C. Colton (1780 – 1832), English
clergyman
Give a man a fish and you feed him for
a day. Teach a man to fish and you feed him for a lifetime.
An old Chinese Proverb.
THE QUESTION OF POVERTY – A PERSONAL
NOTE
The question of poverty has always
interested man. Perhaps because like
mortality, poverty is something he doesn’t know quite what to make of it.
Personally, I’ve known people with incomes
of $2 million or more who ultimately nearly lost everything because they “thought
they were rich!”
Man has never been too bright when it comes to the slippery slope of wealth much less understanding of its lack. Consequently, those at the other end of the
scale, the so-called “chronic poor” never climb out of poverty even when given
a generous hand by the government.
Instead, they become more economically dependent.
Given this propensity, why do politicians
throw trillions of dollars at poverty, which doesn’t seem to stick to anything? In fact, often it acts in an iatrogenic fashion
driving people deeper into poverty rather than relieving them from
poverty. Why is that?
Academics develop metric mathematical
models and win Nobel Prizes in Economics, proving the veracity of their models
in laboratory confinements but seldom with much staying power outside of this
environment. Why?
If poverty is a man made proclivity of
one thing we can be certain, the “cycle of poverty” of economic disruption, corruption
and destabilization will invariably be identified with world wars, pestilence,
spikes in population, collective malfeasance, mass movements of people, shifts
in dominant ideologies, and natural disasters.
Natural disasters are then likely to be associated with global
warming. Why?
The answers are never found in macroeconomics
or, indeed, in mass psychology but in microeconomics and the individual
maturation of people over time. People
as individuals are the key to everything. Discover that key and everything else falls
into place. Everything!
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By the accident of my birth, being born
after the Great Depression of 1929, I
became a member of the smallest generation in a century in the United
States. This meant there were fewer of
us to compete with each other.
At the same time, World War Two lifted the
United States and the world out of the Great
Depression as there was full mobilization on the part of the Allies and the
Axis Powers.
Out of that world war Europe and much
of Asia was decimated and more than 60 million people perished, worldwide. This represented 3 percent of the world
population of 2 billion as of 1939. The
United States lost over 400,000 in WWII.
World War II was a global war that
lasted from 1939 to 1945. The
combination of the Great Depression
and WWII produced a sharp decline in births across the globe.
The United States untouched by the devastation
of WWII was primed to be the world’s supplier of goods and services once hostilities
concluded.
Those in the United States coming from
humble circumstances but diligent students, many being the first to earn a
college degree in their family’s history, had the world at their feet for the
taking.
Were they frugal as well as diligent, these
Great Depression offspring had a relative easy existence over a lifespan with never
a whiff of poverty.
It was however a bland and circumspect era with old fashion morals and mores still reassuringly in place. Such issues as identity crisis and self-esteem were luxuries this generation could not afford in the shadow of the Great Depression and WWII. This was also my era.
It was however a bland and circumspect era with old fashion morals and mores still reassuringly in place. Such issues as identity crisis and self-esteem were luxuries this generation could not afford in the shadow of the Great Depression and WWII. This was also my era.
When I was six-years-old, and
discovered I had a family, a mother and a father, a brother I never knew, only a
sister who was the whole world to me, I had a mind altering experience that has
stayed with me all my life. I mention it
here to emphasize the importance of parents in the scheme of things and the individual
whatever era or situation. With parental
candor, anything is possible. Anything!
It was that first Christmas we were
together as a family. My da sat me down
and told me, “Jimmie, we bought your sister a doll, but we have no toys for
you. We couldn’t afford to buy anything
else.”
He talked to me that way, a six-year-old
child, indeed, like a young adult, and perhaps for that reason material things
have mattered little to me all my life. I
went to school at St. Patrick’s where my classmates showed off their Christmas
gifts and talked about their new toys. I
lied about mine.
My da’s education ended at the seventh
grade. He brought us together as a
family when he joined the nation’s Works Project Administration (WPA)
workforce. A stint as a laborer at a
chemical plant followed, then Japan bombed Pearl Harbor on December 7, 1941 and
the USA entered WWII.
He then joined the Chicago & Northwestern Railroad as a passenger brakeman, where he worked during that war
and for the remainder of his short life, dying at the age of 50 of multiple
myeloma.
When he was dying, I was given
emergency leave from the United States Navy flying from Europe, and allowed by our
family’s physician to administer morphine when requested, and to bathe his shrunken
body from his five-foot seven inch frame and 150 pounds to the 60 pounds that he
now was.
The man never complained but accepted
his fate with courage and dignity. In
his short life, he never got ahead of the curve, never was solvent always owed
creditors. When I checked his railroad
pension, I was stunned how little money he had made during his entire railroad
career that represented half his lifetime.
The son had grown nine inches taller
than the father, spent nine years in university education earning multiple degrees,
and would earn more in a few months than that father earned in a lifetime.
The son would also have two sons and
two daughters, but would never approach the father’s dignity, physical courage,
humility or candor. What is poverty
against such wealth?
POVERTY AND WEALTH
The United States and other wealthy
nations are as obsessed with poverty as fixated on wealth. They have spent trillions of dollars to lift
the world’s poorest out of penury with largely disappointing results.
We had FDR’s “New Deal,” Truman’s “Fair
Deal,” Kennedy’s “New Frontier,” and Johnson’s “New Society,” each president declaring
“war on poverty,” only to have the forces of war (WWII, Korean War, Vietnam),
pestilence, disease, spikes in population, political and economic hubris, and
mass migrations of people fueling disruption, corruption, and destabilization as an index of chronic poverty.
According to the US Census Bureau, 14.7
percent of Americans were poor in 1966 and 14.5 percent in 2013 despite all the
concerted economic attention to poverty.
Worldwide in 1981, 2.6 billion people
subsisted on less than $2 a day; in 2013, 2.2 billion did.
Pockets of poverty appear indigenous to
the sub-Saharan region, South Asia, and Latin America. In these same areas, illiteracy is high as
are birth rates and political instability. And if that were not enough, there is civil
disruption, corruption, destabilization and malfeasance by those in power who
not only fail to address the problems of poverty but are inclined to exploit poverty to their advantage.
Peter Turchin writes in “War and Peace and War: the Rise and Fall of
Empires” (2007):
“Today, the top one per cent of incomes
in the United States accounts for one fifth of US earnings. The top one per
cent of fortunes holds two-fifths of the total wealth. Just one rich family,
the six heirs of the brothers Sam and James Walton, founders of Walmart, are
worth more than the bottom 40 per cent of the American population combined
($115 billion in 2012).”
Sam Walton came out of WWII a G.I.
veteran who thought he had a better idea than the customary “Five and Dime”
store and turned the business into a worldwide megacorporation. He started small (using G.I. Bill loans) in
small towns and priced merchandise to appeal to people strapped for cash. Walmart to this day appeals to such a
clientele.
You would think, Turchin says, that we
have a pretty good idea why the richest people in the US are pulling away from
the rest, but we don’t. As the
Congressional Budget Office concluded in 2011: the precise reasons for the rapid growth in income at the top are not
well understood.
In “Wealth
and Democracy” (2002), Kevin Phillips examined the changing patterns of
wealth inequality in the US. He looked at the net wealth of the nation’s median
household and compared it with the size of the largest fortunes in the US.
The ratio of the two figures provided a
rough measure of wealth inequality, and that’s what he tracked, touching down
every decade or so from the turn of the 19th century to the present.
In doing so, he found a striking pattern; repeated back-and-forth swings in demographic, economic, social, and political structures. Stated another way, culture or mindset has a lot to do with how individuals behave collectively.
In doing so, he found a striking pattern; repeated back-and-forth swings in demographic, economic, social, and political structures. Stated another way, culture or mindset has a lot to do with how individuals behave collectively.
From 1800 to the 1920s, inequality
increased more than a hundredfold. Then came the reversal: from the 1920s to
1980, it shrank back to levels not seen since the mid-19th century. Over that
time, the top fortunes hardly grew (from one to two billion dollars; a decline
in real terms). Yet the wealth of a typical family increased by a multiple of
40.
From 1980 to the present, the wealth
gap has been on another steep, if erratic, rise. Commentators have called the
period from 1920s to 1970s The Great Compression.
The past 30 years are known as the Great Divergence (1984 – 2014). Once the 19th century is brought into the
picture, movement does not appear isolated but more like a rhythm.
In other words, when looked at over time, the development of wealth inequality in the US appears to be cyclical. And if it’s cyclical, can we predict what happens next? Economists think so.
In other words, when looked at over time, the development of wealth inequality in the US appears to be cyclical. And if it’s cyclical, can we predict what happens next? Economists think so.
DISTRIBUTION OF WEALTH OVER TWO CENTURIES
Inverse relationship between well-being
and inequality in American history. The peaks and valleys of inequality (in
purple) represent the ratio of the largest fortunes to the median wealth of
households (the Phillips curve). The blue-shaded curve combines four measures
of well-being: economic (the fraction of economic growth that is paid to
workers as wages), health (life expectancy and the average height of
native-born population), and social optimism (the average age of first
marriage, with early marriages indicating social optimism and delayed marriages
indicating social pessimism).
Turchin and Sergey Nefedov in “Secular Cycles” (2009) apply the
Phillips approach to England, France and Russia throughout both the medieval
and early modern periods, and also to ancient Rome. All of these societies went
through recurring secular cycles.
Over two to three centuries, we see repeated back-and-forth swings in demographic, economic, social, and political structures. And the cycles of inequality are an integral part of the overall motion.
Over two to three centuries, we see repeated back-and-forth swings in demographic, economic, social, and political structures. And the cycles of inequality are an integral part of the overall motion.
Cycles in the real world are chaotic,
because complex systems such as human societies have many parts that are constantly
moving and influencing each other. Despite this complexity, these authors’ historical
research on Rome, England, France, Russia and now the US shows complex
interactions add up to a general rhythm.
Upward trends in variables (e.g., economic
inequality) alternate with downward trends. Those who have faith in this
mathematical modeling believe they can tell us why certain trends periodically
reverse themselves. Understanding such trend-reversals is at the core of the
new discipline of mathematical modelling. To these mathematical economists these
patterns are real.
Obviously, the United States is a very different society from ancient Rome or medieval England cut off from them by the Industrial Revolution and by innumerable advances in technology. Even so, historically based mathematical models find economists confident they shed light on what has been happening in the US over the past three decades. Turchin says:
Obviously, the United States is a very different society from ancient Rome or medieval England cut off from them by the Industrial Revolution and by innumerable advances in technology. Even so, historically based mathematical models find economists confident they shed light on what has been happening in the US over the past three decades. Turchin says:
“First, we need to think about jobs.
Unless other forces intervene, an overabundance of labor will tend to drive
down its price, which naturally means that workers and their families have less
to live on.”
The reader may shrug, and say that is
simply common sense. If so, why is such sense
so uncommon to the problem solving?
One of the most important forces
affecting the labor supply in the US has been immigration, and it turns out
that immigration, as measured by the proportion of the population who were born
abroad, has changed in a cyclical manner just like inequality. In fact, the
periods of high immigration coincided with the periods of stagnating wages.
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